Ethan Barrows, Historical Survey of Northwestern Missouri, 1836-1839
"Journal of Ethan Barrows," Journal of History, 15 (January 1922): 40-64.
… During this spring [1836], several families got ready and started to Missouri in hopes that something would be done to redeem Zion. Some that calculated to go resigned the idea to stop and build up Kirtland, which after wards seemed the object of [page 41] many. Emigration from the East mostly stopped in Kirtland.
However, on the 20th day of May I started for Missouri. I was employed by Brother Gad Yale to drive one of his teams and he bore my expenses while I was with him. After traveling three or four days it set in very rainy. It rained very day for eighteen days, which rendered it very slow, difficult, and disagreeable traveling, especially for our families on board, for we camped in our wagons by the way, and as our wagon covering was not in any way waterproof, but proved to be rather leaky, our conditions were still worse. The weather at length faired away, which rendered the remainder of our journey very agreeable.
I left Brother Yale in Illinois and proceeded on my way on foot. After traveling a day or two, I came up with some brethren from Edgar County, Illinois, traveling to Missouri. As I did not have money sufficient to bear my expenses, I was under the necessity of getting my board on credit, though a stranger. Brother Guiman [Guymon] opened his heart and said he would board me to Missouri if he did not receive a cent for it. I, accordingly, boarded with him, and in about three weeks we arrived in Clay County, Missouri.
It was counseled that we should stop as there was considerable excitement in Clay and in the borders of Ray Counties on account of the continual emigration from the eastern counties there, together with the Jackson County difficulties. The excitement has arisen to that degree that they rallied to the number of about one hundred and stopped some wagons that were journeying farther west and turned them back, and threatened them, if they undertook to proceed any farther west. However, the families stopped on Crooked River in Ray County and several of the brethren started for Clay County to see the council of the church and find out what was best to do. Accordingly I came along with time, as also several were in [page 42] the company from Kirtland who had families residing there in Clay County.
I arrived at Brother Evans', my brother-in-law's, on the 15th of July, being eight weeks on the road from Kirtland. I stopped about two months here in Clay County until the difficulties between the Mormons and Missourians were, in a manner, settled, which was by means of the Mormons all leaving the county and settling where it should be agreed upon by a select committee of both parties. At length the committee selected a portion of the county, or a detached part of Ray County, which afterwards was set off as a county by itself, called Caldwell County, it being a prairie county with but about half a dozen settlers, and they wishing to sell because of the scarcity of timber, as the considered that it would not admit of much settlement. Therefore, to avoid more serious difficulties, the brethren consented to leave Clay County and the counties adjoining and settle by themselves and strive to enjoy peace with all men and especially from their neighbors, as many of the had just emerged from the scenes of Jackson County. The same scenes were reviewing in Clay County. They fondly hoped that if they were privileged to settle by themselves, the mob spirit would at length die away and they would again enjoy their rights and privileges in Jackson and Clay Counties in common with other citizens.
I went up to the new country about the middle of September. There were then perhaps half a dozen families in and around Far West, but it populated very rapidly. In the spring following, the principal part of the land was entered, settled, and claimed, thee being about one hundred families in the vicinity. The speedy removal of so large amount of population caused much more fatigue and hardship than what is commonly subsequent to the settlers of a new county; besides, a considerable number were emigrants, unaccustomed to the [page 43] climate and customs of the country. Several families were sick, being exposed in the season on the roads and must avoidably have suffered extremely. Provision were hard to get, as all that was consummated in the new country was brought in from adjoining counties, something like forty miles distant, and most of the grain was ground in horse mills, which rendered it extremely difficult to get a supply. However, wild game was plentiful, such as prairie hens, turkeys, deer, etc. These were in abundance and many graced their board with plenty of these luxuries and thanked their Maker that he had thus provided food in the wilderness.
I set in to work with B. Covey during the winter a shoemaking. On New Year's day, 1837, I was joined in wedlock with a young lady named Larena Covey, daughter of Benjamin and Sally Covey. I was at this time young and inexperienced, only nineteen years of age. I had no means to purchase any land, but soon afterwards agreed for five acres of a brother who trusted for the pay till I could get it. It amounted to twenty dollars. I soon put up a long cabin and on the 31st day of April we move on to our own premises what few things we then had in our possession.
This seemed to be our starting point in the world. We commenced in poverty, as we were young and inexperienced as to getting along in the world, yet we considered that the school of experience was a good school and many will learn in no other, so, therefore, by industry and the blessings of the Lord we began to prosper as to things of this world and have abundance of the indispensable necessaries of life. The soil of this country is most excellent and possibly superior to many other parts of the world. The climate was mild and healthy and suitable for the production of all the necessaries of live, together with almost all the dainties and luxuries which are [page 44] used among men. With some very few exceptions, it was as healthy as any other part of the world.
As to the affairs of the church, I shall here mention but a few incidents, as it does not in particular belong to this journal to detail the affairs of the church. Those that presided viz: W. W. Phelps and John Whitmer, were disfellowshiped by the voice of the church in November. Not long after, however, the First Presidency came up from Kirtland (1837) and again organized the church at Far West, then soon afterwards returned. Things seemed to move on prosperously both as regards the affairs of the church, the temporal concerns, and interest of the people. We had peace without and contentment within. The Spirit of the Lord was enjoyed by the Saints and the earth brought forth in here strength. Joy and gladness were the enjoyment of the Saints. Peace and plenty, were the common lot of all. Thus we realized in some manner the word of Isaiah when he said, "The wilderness and solitary places shall be glad for them," etc.
On March 6, 1838, we had a son born unto us. It being our first-born, we called him Ethan, jr.
On the 14th of this same month, President Joseph Smith arrived at Far West with his family, to the joy and satisfaction of the church. It seemed to be a season of refreshing unto them. Soon after this President Sidney Rigdon and Hyrum Smith arrived at Far West with their families. A revelation was received soon afterwards relative to the building of a temple or house of the Lord in Far West. Arrangements were accordingly made as to the specifications contained in the revelation, for the laying of the corner stone. They were laid on the fourth day of July, A. D. 1838, under the colors of our country, and celebrated by an oration by Sidney Rigdon for the occasion. One remarkable phenomenon pertaining to this occasion I will here mention. The pole upon which floated our na- [page 45] tional escutcheon, the colors of our country, on the day of our national celebration was in a few day afterwards struck by a shaft of lightning and shivered from tip to bottom, then twisted off at the bottom and thrown to the ground; this evidently showing that the Tree of Liberty will ultimately fall by the wrath of God in this Nation.
The day of election at length drew near, with some excitement among those who were inspired by the spirit of mobocracy. Those who had been instigators of those deeds of cruelty which we had received in the counties of Jackson, Clay and Ray, began to fain the breeze of mobs and enliven the spirit of oppression towards our citizens. At length the day of election came, which was the first Monday in August, 1838, in Daviess County. There was an outbreak in Daviess County, just north of Caldwell, adjoining, where a considerable number of the "Mormon citizens" has settled. It was occasioned by a party of the inhabitants who rose up against the "Mormon citizens" to prevent them from depositing their votes at the polls. After some very spirited stump speeches were made by one, Pennington, and others which consisted of slang and abuses on the "Mormon citizen[s]," a sort of a riot commenced, with fist and skull, which lasted a few minutes, in which the rioters were forced to yield the ground to the "Mormon citizens," who exercised their privilege in voting at the polls, but not without a severe struggle in which several were considerably injured by the rioters, who by no means escaped unhurt.
This by no means satisfied the rage of the mob, by being thus beaten and forced to surrender to an inferior number than their own. They then had recourse to threatening that they would fall upon those individuals whom they should single out as being engaged in opposing them at the election, in the night time, while they were retired alone with their fami- [page 46] lies, as they were remote from each other and would be a more easy prey. This was like the brutal savages of the wilderness. However, tiding of these things were sent into Far West. The distance was about twenty-five miles from where those scenes were acted. Although the accounts of those things at first were much exaggerated, yet we did not consider their condition altogether safe, therefore I stared with about twenty-five others to Daviess County. Some others went also, to protect our worthy brethren who had so nobly stood up on defense of the laws of our country and their sacred rights. This has an effect to hinder them from effecting their hellish and savage design. We were in cap shape for several days, and after some of the officers of the peace of the county had bound themselves to keep the peace according to law, we thought it safe to return home. We hoped this would be an end of the difficulties with our neighbors, for we desired peace with all men and more especially with our neighbors.
Not long after returning home our only son, Ethan, Junior, died. He died on the 18th day of August, 1838, being five months and nine days of age. He was at this time our only child, the fondest hope of our earthly enjoyments. Although bereaved of the only repository of our future blessings to be handed down to future generations, we should not weep as ones having no hope, for short, though bitter, was his pain, and eternal is his joy. It appeared that he was taken from the evils to come and we were led to exclaim like of old, "The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away; blessed be the name of the Lord."
Rumors were again reported that the mob were determined on our destructive and were strengthening themselves all through the country. They soon gathered together and rendezvoused at a little town called Milfort [Millport]. It was reported that they were three hundred strong and that they were determined to drive out and plunder all the Mormons in Daviess County. This rather excited our feelings again in Far West, so quite a number of us fitted out again and went out to Daviess County. I also went along with the rest to protect our brethren from the ravages of the mob until proper authorities could be petitioned and legal measures taken to suppress those inhuman and murderous savages. We rendezvoused at al little town called Adam-Ondi-Ahman, in Daviess County, about six miles from Milfort, where we were prepared to defend our brethren citizens of the county until measures could be taken to suppress the mob. This was the advice of the officers who held the legal power to suppress mobs and restore peace according to law.
After watching the moments of the mobs and keeping them at bay for something above a week, the militia was called and proceeded to the spot to disperse the mob. On learning this, we immediately broke camp and started for Far West. When within one mile of the city, we met a detachment of troops under Brigadier General Doniphan, who were repairing to Daviess. Also another detachment was on the march to the same point under Major General Atkinson. They proceeded immediately to Daviess County to the encampment of the mob. On being commanded to disperse they at first refused, but after some reluctance they disbanded.
IT appeared that none of the mob were cited for trial for their breaking the peace of the county, but were suffered to run at large, which seemed to be only encouraging them in their murderous dispositions. The commandeer of the militia not being satisfied that they were altogether defeated in their purpose, stationed a detachment of one hundred men to preserve peace in the county for one month.
It appeared that this did not obviate the difficulty. They now commenced their war without any respect to persons that [page 48] were Mormons or in any way favorable to them or the law. Before this they had sworn writs to take certain persons whom they desired most to destroy, thus making a cat's-paw of the forms of law, to decoy them into the hands of the officers and destroy them, for the officers of the country were chiefly connected with the mob. They were defeated in this, however, so they commenced their warfare with all those who would not join their ranks and unite in destroying not only the Mormon citizens, but all that were disposed to live in peace.
Soon after being broken up at Daviess County, they began to strengthen themselves at De Witt, a little town in Carroll County, on the Missouri River at the junction of Grand River, as there was a small settlement of Mormons in this place. This was about sixty or seventy miles from Far West, but tiding were sent up to us that the mobs had blockaded the town and would not suffer any to pass in or out, and also that they had made several attempts to attack the town but were unsuccessful. The mob was encamped here on an old Presbyterian camp ground, where they had formerly held their camp meetings with their preacher, by the name of [Sashel] Wood at their head, who it is said called his troop (mobocrats) to order both morning and evening to prayers. This was about one mile from De Witt.
They had one cannon loaded with broken chain links and old iron, but thinking that it would not be of so much service to them here on account of the woods, they set to work to get it over the Missouri River. They wanted to cannonade the town from across the river until they could reduce the town, so they could march in with their troops and subdue it. There were about fifty men in De Witt to defend themselves, while the mob at this time amounted, so reports said, to [page 49] about three hundred, and they were strengthening themselves daily.
When the news of the report of these things reached Far West, two companies of about forty each started immediately to their relief and protection, until the proper authorities could be petitioned and they be protected by law. I was one of this number. With considerable difficulty and by taking by-roads and across the prairie, we succeeded in getting into De Witt, to the joy and relief of our brethren.
Soon after we arrived at De Witt, the militia was called and came to the relief of our brethren, under command of Brigadier General Parks. But because of mutiny among his troops he could render us no assistance. He said that the only way he could prevent the major part of them from joining the mob was to keep them under command, which he did until a compromise was entered into between us and the mob to prevent the shedding of blood. The arrival of the brethren from Far West had the effect to keep the mob at bay. They not knowing the numbers, feared to attack us.
A compromise was accordingly effected which resulted in our brethren all leaving or vacating the place. Hereupon the brethren all started, there being about eighty wagons and about eighty that were armed before and behind to guard the wagons. The first day we traveled about twelve miles and camped in a little grove of timber, where one of our company who died previous to camping for the night was buried. She fell a victim by the hand of the oppressor, and a martyr to the cause of Jesus Christ. She was buried in the darkness of the night and without a coffin, and the privilege of a decent burial. Oh, ye sons of America! Are there any of the Sires of Liberty yet alive to witness scenes like this in a land that is said to be free from oppression and tyranny? I fear there are many who have lived to see that liberty, which was to them [page 50] sweeter than live, wrested from them and their numerous progeny by the hands of ruffians and tories [sic] who know not the sweets of liberty and are unworthy the name of American citizens.
Soon after our arrival at Far West, it was reported that the mob was again collecting its forces in Daviess County, determined in its purpose to destroy the Saints in Missouri. They made their threats, seeing they had been so successful in driving them from De Wit and Carroll Counties [sic], that they would drive all the Mormons into Caldwell County, and from Caldwell to Hell. The mobs began to think themselves sufficiently strong in Daviess County. The commenced their operations by driving families out of their houses in the night, taking prisoners, and after plundering the houses, setting fire to them. They shot at several and began to be exceedingly bold. They very well knew that the law could not be executed on them, as the formed a part of the militia, and if the remainder was called out they would chiefly mutinize and join them. The also knew that the governor was the head of the mob in Jackson County and the initial officers of the State were more or less concerned in it.
Things began to war a rather dark aspect. General Parks started with his brigade, or a part of it, to the relief of the citizens of Davies County, but he only marched them part way and dismissed them and sent them home, stating that they were rotten-hearted and could not be depended on. He immediately ordered out the Caldwell County Militia and sent them out to appease the mob. He said that they could be depended upon. Two or three hundred of the Caldwell Militia proceeded to Daviess County and they soon dispersed the mob and took from them a cannon, some kegs of powder, and some balls.
This rather frustrated their plans and they, fearing they [page 51] would not accomplish their object in destroying us, petitioned the governor. He immediately sent all the force the wanted to assist them. Lawless marauders were sent to destroy the innocent and law-abiding. Previous to this the governor had been petitioned twice. Our condition was made known to this Excellency, but he absolutely refused to regard our petition. The last one, I think, was sent from De Witt (while surrounded and blockaded by mobs while at work pursuing the lawful business at home) accompanied with affidavits stating the infractions of the law, etc., by a Mr. Caldwell, a respectable citizen, to which his Excellency replied that the difficulty was between the Mormons and the mob and they must fight it out.
When the mob was unsuccessful, however, he showed himself very ready to assist them, eve at the sacrifice of law, justice, and everything else.
After succeeding in dispersing the mobs in Daviess County, the militia returned to Far West, hoping that we might enjoy peace a while… It was but a few days, however, before a messenger arrived at Far West in the night and in the morning of the 26th day of October an alarm was sounded a great while before day, with trumpets and drums. When we arrived at the public square we were informed that the mob were committing depredations in the southern part of Caldwell County, adjoining Ray. They were burning houses and plundering them, shooting cattle, and threatening women and children that if they were not gone by next day they would destroy them, and had taken three men prisoners.
On hearing these tidings we mounted our steeds and formed ourselves (about seventy of us) under the brave captain, David Patten (Captain Fear Not), to prevent them from committing any more depredations and to protect the citizens of the county. The company was soon under way, as we had [page 52] to ride some ten or twelve miles through the prairies. The night was dark, and being forbidden to speak aloud, no sound was heard but the rumbling of the horses' feet on the hard trodden path, while on the distant plain, far and wide, were seen blazing fires which illuminated the surface of the plain, and immense columns of smoke were seen rising in awful majesty, as if the world were on fire. This scene can only be contemplated by those who are acquainted with burning prairies. These scenes added to the silence of midnight in this solemn procession.
We moved on for about two hours, when it was supposed that we were in the neighborhood of danger. We were then ordered to dismount and leave our horses in care of some guards of our company, while the others proceeded on foot to see what discoveries could be made. This precaution was taken for fear that we might be suddenly attacked, in which case we could do better on foot than on horseback. We had not proceeded far when, as we entered the wilderness, we were suddenly fired upon by an unknown enemy in ambush. First, one solitary gun was fired, which brought one of our company to the ground, by the name of Martin [Patrick] Obanion. As we supposed this to be an outpost of the mob, the rest of the company passed on, while he lay by the way in the agonies of death. It was by this time break of day, but darkness still hovered over the face of nature.
We had not proceeded far when we saw that we were attacked by the mob, who were in ambush behind trees and along the bank of a stream called Crooked River. They poured in a heavy fire upon us, which brought several to the ground. We, thinking it too late to retreat, formed ourselves along in the bush and were commanded to return fire and charge upon the enemy. The whole wilderness seemed to be lit up for a few moments with the blaze of devouring fire, and the crack- [page 53] ing of musketry seemed to drown the sense of danger, while we rushed onward with sword in hand to a more close attack. The enemy were soon driven from their ambush and completely routed. As the stream of water was immediately in their rear, many were seen forcing their way through the stream, up to their armpits in water. The firing now ceased and the whole battle ground resounded with the watchword, "God and Liberty," while here and there on the battle ground lay the dying and wounded. We were commanded to mount a good horse each and harness the baggage wagon, and gather the blankets, etc., which were left by the mob in the precipitation of their flight, and prepare to start. The wounded were put in the baggage wagon and all things were now ready. We moved on towards Far West.
On noticing the wounded, I discovered that Captain Patten was among them There were seven that fell wounded, and one was left dead on the ground, by the name of Gideon Carter. Captain Patten and Martin [Patrick] Obanion died soon. The remaining five recovered. The man that commanded the mob at this bate was Bogart; for this reason it bears the name of Bogart Battle. There were three of our brethren prisoners in this camp at this time. Two of them escaped by running to our lines, and escaped unhurt. The other was sounded. H was shot at the commencement of the battle by his keeper. The wounded were taken within five or six miles of Far West, where we were met by a surgeon, who on hearing of the battle came to meet us on our return. The surgeon took them into a house and dressed their wounds.
The booty was delivered up to Colonel Hinkle, the commander of the Caldwell County Militia. These several defeats of the mobs in Daviess and Caldwell Counties gave them to understand that they were not sufficient to conquer us as a people, who were fighting for our homes, our wives, and our chil- [page 54] dren, unless the came out with a little show of authority, as they very well knew that the Mormon would not resist the proper authorities, however illegal the proceedings.
However, about two hundred of the mob got together on October 30, as a kind of revenge, and fell upon a settlement of brethren about thirty miles [east] from Far West [Haun's Mill], with whom there was an agreement to kept the peace between the parties and not molest each other. This happened at a time when they thought there was no danger, and consequently they were not prepared for self-defense. The mob inhumanly butchered seventeen of our brethren and wounded several others. They shot at several women and wounded one. They tilled one small by of eight years and also one venerable patriot of the Revolutionary War [sic]. The old patriot was horribly butchered with an old corn cutter. He called for quarter. They said, "We'll quarter you," and literally cut him to pieces alive. His name was MacBride [McBride]. He had fought for his country's liberty, to bequeath it to his children, but alas! A set of barbarous ruffians could trample upon the holy shrine of liberty and wantonly murder the father of his country in cold blood merely because he wished to enjoy the richest boon of our constitutional liberty and worship almighty God according to the dictates of his own conscience. Oh, liberty, where hast thou fled! Oh, America, hast they ceased to be an asylum of the oppressed! Have tyranny and despotism with cruel hands laid siege to those holy principles of liberty which nerved the arms of our fathers in the hour of battle and sustained them in the struggle to obtain our national independence! Has patriotism, the genius of liberty, so soon departed or become degenerated, that justice is hid and equity cannot enter. Let the blackened deeds of Missouri speak and tell the tale. Let the blood of innocence cry, and let her voice be heard, [page 55] and Missouri will reap the rewards of her iniquity unto the third and fourth generations.
But, to return to my history. A few days after this a large company of troops was discovered in the south part of the county, which caused some excitement. A company of about one hundred and fifty men, with a white flag, started from Far West to learn their object and make inquiries. In the meantime all communication was cut off, so that the doings of the governor were kept an entire secret, but information now reached Far West that the whole country south was filled with hostile troops who were murdering, plundering, and taking peaceable citizens prisoners, etc.
On receiving this intelligence every man flew to arms for the protection of our city. It was now towards evening and we had heard nothing of our whit flag and the hundred and fifty men who went south in the morning. While we stood in our armor gazing towards the south in earnest expectation for the return of our men, we discovered an army advancing on horseback over the high prairie at about two miles distance from town. We at first supposed it was our little company returning, but we soon saw there were thousands of men with a long train of baggage wagons. We were then in hopes that it might be some friendly troops sent for our protection. At any rate we did not intend that they should enter the town without giving some account of themselves. Although our force did not exceed five hundred men, we marched out upon the plains south of the city and formed in battle array. We extended our lines on foot nearly half a mile, while a small company of horsemen were posted on our right wing on a commanding eminence, and another small company in the rear as a kind of reserve. On seeing our forces present a small but formidable front, they came to a halt and formed along the wilderness, but in a few moments both parties sent out a white flag, [page 56] which met between the two armies. Our messenger demanded who they were and what were their intentions. The answer was that they wanted three persons out of the city before the massacred the rest. This was a very alarming and unexpected answer, but they were soon prevailed upon to suspend hostilities until morning, when we were in hopes of some further and more satisfactory information. The hostile army under command of General Lucas commenced their encampment for the night and our little army continued to stand at our arms, for fear of treachery.
Our little company of one hundred and fifty now returned and informed us that they had been hemmed in through the day and only escaped by a superior knowledge of the ground.
An express was sent to Daviess County and by morning we were reinforced with quite a number of troops with Colonel Wight at their head. In the meantime a company of painted troops came pouring in from the west under command of Cornelius Gillium to strengthen the enemy, and also an other from Carroll County, many of whom were concerned in the murder at Haun's Mill, and distinguished mobocrats were taken into the ranks of General Lucas' army. Thus both parties were considerably reinforced during the night. Meanwhile, our people being determined, if attacked, to defend themselves, their wives and their children to the very last, spent the night in throwing up a kind of temporary breastwork of house logs, rails, wagons, etc., so that by morning the south side of our town was fortified with breastworks, and also the west and east. The whole line of our breastworks extended about one mile and a half.
The next day towards evening we were informed that the governor had ordered this force against us with orders to expel or drive us from the State. Determined to resist nothing in the shape of authority, however tyrannical, oppressive, or [page 57] unconstitutional their proceedings were against us, we had nothing more to do than to submit to be massacred or driven from the State at the option of our persecutors.
However, Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Hyrum Smith, Lyman Wight, G. Robinson, and P. P. Pratt were taken into the camp of the enemy with assurances that they should be released next morning, or as soon as peaceable arrangements could be made with the honor of the principal officers in command. As soon as they surrendered themselves upon these terms, the General ordered his troop to surround them, which they did very abruptly. They then all set up a horrid yell, like so many bloodhounds let loose upon their prey, and as if they had achieved one of the greatest victories that ever dignified the annals of the world. Our men were placed under a strong guard and before morning Amasa Lyman and other were added to their number.
On the next morning we were marched out of the city by order of Colonel Hinkle, and formed in a square, encompassed by our enemies, and there compelled to lay down our arms and give them up to our enemies and surrender ourselves prisoners of war. This was on the first day of November, 1838. This we did very reluctantly. For my own part I should much rather have stood boldly in defense of our rights and the constitutional privileges of our country until death had ended this existence, had it not been considered better to yield for the safety of our families at the present time.
We were kept under a strong guard during the day, which was the first day of November. During this time our enemies had the privilege of plundering the town and taking such tings as they could carry, such as goods, horses, etc. One of the guard, who stood in the ranks of our enemies while we were prisoners, was William E. McLellin, who had been the instrument in the hands of God on administering the ordi- [page 58] nances of the gospel unto me and my wife, but now he was assisting to plunder and destroy that which he had heretofore labored to build up.
While we were under guard, we were forced to sign an article called, "A Deed of Trust," which required us to bind over our properties to our enemies to support their army while they were destroying us. Thus all that we possessed they considered a free booty. They stole as many horses as they could manage to get hold of; they shot down our cattle, sheep, and domestic fowls, many of which rotted on the ground; they robbed us of all manner of cooking utensils, and some families were robbed of all that they had. Cornfields also became a booty to the plunderers, and grain of all description was taken at their pleasure. If any man tried to retain his property from them, he would be threatened and abused in the worst manner possible, therefore we were constrained to keep them as good-natured as possible, and in this way we got the less abuse. They wee cruel, inhuman, barbarous, savage, and hostile. They murdered some of their prisoners in a most barbarously cruel manner, and wounded others. One aged man, named Tanner, my nearest neighbor, was struck on his head with the breach of a gun and his skull laid bare. While a prisoner in their camp, one man, named Cary, was struck in like manner and died in a few hours. He was caused to lie in an open wagon, without anyone to assist him, until a few moments before he expired.
I remained a prisoner until it became necessary that I should return to my family. They were living about one mile from town, which was now guarded with a strong guard so that none could pass in or out without permission from the officers in command. I obtained permission by a pass which read as follows: [page 59]
"The guard and others will let Ethan Barrows pass in and out.
David Thompson.
Col. Commander, Amos Rees."
Other names were attached to this pass.
By this means I was permitted to return to my family, who had heard and knew the determination of the mob to destroy us, from past experience, and who had been suffers by them for eight years previous to this. They had heard concerning our being taken prisoners and giving up our arms, and they feared the consequences that would befall us, but thanks to Him who had so far preserved us, we were permitted to meet again. I stayed at home a few days to attend to the concerns of my family, an when I went out from home I took care not to be alone, for there were scouting parties of the mob at all times, both night and day, lurking about, plundering wherever they could carry off, and abusing both men and women; so it became us to take care of ourselves as well as we could under our circumstances, and also our wives and property.
However, there came an express from General Clark, who was now in Far West, for all to come together in the public square the next day. The next day I started to go into town, but it happened that I was too late. The guard, but a few moments before, was instructed to let none pass in or out, so therefore I returned home. But on learning that General Clark continued to get them together by stratagem to take as many as he could prisoners, and that he had my name and search was made for me but I could not be found, and that those whom he had taken were dragged off to prison to Ray County, I did not feel myself very badly slighted, but I felt grateful to Him who had providentially preserved me from their hands and wrought out my deliverance. Fifty-seven [page 60] were, however, taken prisoners, and before the rest were dismissed, General Clark made a speech, and as I have it in possession I will give it in this work.
[page 61] The prisoners that were now taken were marched forthwith to Richmond and thrust into prison. They were sixty in number. The other prisoners, the leaders of the church, were taken to Jackson County, and from thence remanded to Richmond, Ray County, were all were collected together and where a sort of a court or inquisition [preliminary hearing] was held in order to find something to criminate them. They did not allow any testimony in favor of the accused and even threatened witnesses, at the peril of their lives, to testify in favor of the accused; and after all their exertions all were liberated or bail able but eleven, who were put into dungeons and who had to endure all the injuries that an infuriated mob saw fit to inflict until God in his providence set them free.
As for the orders from the governor that authorized the mobbers to destroy us, our enemies well know the disposition of the governor towards us. He resided in Jackson County when the outrages were committed on the Satins in that county. He was holding the office of Lieutenant governor at this time and assisted and encouraged the mob in expelling them from the count y, so therefore he showed himself willing to assist the mob in destroying us or expelling us from the State. The following is the order which he gave in his executive authority:
HEADQUARTERS MILITIA, CITY OF JEFFERSON, October 27, 1838.
SIR:—Since the order of the morning to you, directing you to cause four hundred mounted men to be raised within your division, I have received by Amos Rees, Esq., and Wiley C. Williams, Esq., one of my aids, information of the most appalling character, which changes the whole face of things, and places the Mormons in the attitude of open and avowed defiance of the laws, and of having made open war upon the people of this state. Your orders are, therefore, to hasten your operations and endeavor to reach Richmond, in Ray county, with all possible speed. The Mormons must be treated as enemies and must be exterminated or driven from the state, if necessary for the public good. Their outrages are beyond all description. If you can increase your force, you are authorized to do so, to any extent you may think necessary. I have just issued orders to Major-General Wallock, of Marion county, to raise five hundred men, and to march them to the northern part of Daviess and there to unite with General Doniphan, of Clay, who has been ordered with five hundred men to proceed to the same point for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the Mormons to the north. They have been directed to communicate with you by express; and you can also communicate with them if you find it necessary. Instead, therefore, of proceeding as at first directed, to reinstate the citizens of Daviess in their homes, you will proceed immediately to Richmond, and there operate against the Mormons. Brigadier-General Parks, of Ray, has been ordered to have four hundred men of his brigade in readiness to join you at Richmond. The whole force will be placed under your command.
L. W. BOGGS, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
This order in the hands of Lucas and Clark was sufficient to cover all the murder, rapine, and plunder committed on the peaceable inhabitants of Caldwell and Davies Counties by prowling mobs painted like Indian savages, and also Bogard [Bogart], who claimed having authority when the battle oat Crooked River took place one day previous to the order being issued by the Governor.
I am bold to say that all the forces that acted against us prior to this date acted without any authority whatever, but in open rebellion against the laws of our country and destructive to the lives of her peaceable and law-abiding citizens. The proper authority when in service, up to this date, always acted, or pretended to act, in our defense. As to General Clark's army; all those companies of painted savages, or midnight assassins wee received into the camp and composed a part of this army, and after our surrender, and our arms were taken from us, they had full liberty to ravish, murder, and plunder whomsoever they would. Their blackened deeds are registered in the minds of thousands who have been the bitter suf- [page 63] ferers and have by sad experience witnessed the depravity of man and the realness of the human heart. After the troops were withdrawn, a gang of robbers were left to roam over the country and abuse and plunder the inhabitants at their pleasure.
I stayed close at home during this time, and took care of my family as well as I could, until the 20th of January, 1839. The brethren were improving their time in emigrating to Illinois as fast as possible. As this was our only alternative at this particular crisis, and as I did not consider myself safe if publicly known to be here, I started for Illinois on the above date. I had to leave my family, for I had not means to bring them with me. I obtained employment in Adams County, where I stopped till abut the middle of March, when I started towards Far West. I heard that they were expected to be on the road with my father-in-law, but I met them within four mile of Far West on the day that they started from home. I met them in time to assist them on their journey.
After at tedious journey of about three weeks, we arrived at Quincy, Illinois. We immediately proceeded about fourteen miles northeast from Quincy where I had engaged a plantation, but on our arrival, it being later in the season than was anticipated, I lost my chance. We then started for Quincy. Our company consisted of Brother R. Evans, my father-in-law [Benjamin Covey] and myself.
We had not proceed far when a messenger arrived bearing the joyful intelligence of the arrival of five of the prisoners from Liberty jail in Missouri. They were President Joseph Smith, H. Smith, L. Wight, A. McRae, and Caleb Baldwin. They desired us to return to Quincy. This was joyful news to us, and when we arrived at Quincy we had the pleasure to strike hands with them. A company of Quincy Grays marched around and saluted them and bade them welcome. Joy and [page 64] gladness seemed to set upon every countenance, which seemed to say, "Thou art welcome, for thou hast suffered great oppression, and thou hast found an asylum of peace where thou canst rest thy weary souls."
The next day the brethren met in council and it was counseled that the brethren who had not places for their families, remove northward. A committee was also delegated to look for a location and they immediately started. We also started with our families towards the north, and on arriving at a little town on the Mississippi River, about the middle of May, found our committee were entering into arrangements to purchase a location. Here we stopped and began to seek a shelter for our families, and also to rent some land. A purchase of nearly two hundred acres of land was made near a little town called Commerce, in Hancock County, Illinois, for a commencement of a settlement, and a contract for some land on the river in Iowa was made.
We obtained a house by the river, and also as much land as we wanted to improve, or rent, and we set in to put our crops in. At this time I had no team, so worked with my father-in-law, B. Covey….
-- "Journal of Ethan Barrows," Journal of History, 15 (January 1922): 40-64.
Death of Ethan Barrows
The Deseret News for April 14 contained an obituary of Ethan Barrows, with a portrait accompanying. The News gave the following concise sketch of Br. Barrows' life:
Ethan Barrows was born at Dalton, Coos County, New Hampshire, January 12, 1817; he was a son of Jacob and Emily Waterman Barrows. He untied with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints on July 23, 1835, at Dalton, New Hampshire, at the early age of eighteen years. He left his native State on November 8, 1835, for Kirtland, Ohio, where the Church in its early struggles was building a Temple. After a perilous journey of twenty-five days he reached his destination, and was present at the dedication of the Kirtland Temple on March 27, 1836. He also worked on this Temple two months and likewise attended a grammar school held in the attic of the Temple.
He was ordained an elder and seventy in 1840, at Nauvoo, Illinois, and shared struggles, privations, sorrows, and the blessings of this Church in its early days, through the states of Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois. He married Lorena Covey at Far West, Caldwell county, Missouri, in 1837, who died at Salt Lake City in 1869. He arrived at Salt Lake City September 14, 1850, after three months of hardship in crossing the plains; he was one of the sturdy pioneers who helped to build up this city, and shared the hardships and privations of the people of Utah. He went into the boot and shoe business with G. W. Slade, with whom he crossed the plains, they being the first boot and shoe merchants to start business in Salt Lake City, opening a shop of general merchandise on Second South East.
He married Lucy Hardy in 1856. In 1881 he and his wife joined with the Reorganized Church and he became the first president of Salt Lake Mission branch of that Church after the mission chapel was built, and he has remained a steadfast worker therein up to the time of his death, April 12, 1904. He was eighty-seven years and three months old at the time of his death. He leaves a wife, three sons and two daughters to mourn his death. They are Brigham Y. Barrows of Wyoming, Mrs. T. N. Sacket of Frisco, Utah; Mrs. J. E. Stewart of this city; L. E. Barrows of Charleston, Utah; and Charles H. Barrows of Lamoni, Iowa, and sixteen grandchildren and twenty-one great grandchildren; also one sister - Mrs. Charles Cheney.
Ethan Barrows, Saint's Herald, Obituary, 51:386.
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